Canada's advantage: Defining our place on the global stage

Join us for a timely conversation with Richard Fadden, former National Security Advisor to Canadian Prime Ministers, as he explores Canada's opportunities in an increasingly complex global landscape. Drawing on his deep expertise in national security, international relations and public policy, Richard will discuss Canada's evolving role on the world stage, the opportunities created by shifting trade dynamics and the country's strategic advantages in a changing geopolitical environment. The discussion will also examine Canada's political relationships, global partnerships and what these developments could mean for the Canadian economy and investors.

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<b>Subtitles are AI Generated</b>

 

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Hello and welcome to Fidelity Connects.

 

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I'm Pamela Ritchie. New U.S.

 

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Tariffs are in effect on nearly $30 billion worth of Canadian goods after

 

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trade talks between Ottawa and Washington broke down last week.

 

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Prime Minister Mark Carney says the U.

 

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S. Asked too much and offered too little.

 

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Our next guest says Canada is increasingly playing a game of three-dimensional

 

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chess as it balances relationships with the United States,

 

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China, Europe, and its allies.

 

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While pursuing growth and security at home.

 

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What leverage does Canada really have in a world of economic giants?

 

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Can diversification reduce our dependence on the U.S.?

 

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And where do energy, national security, and global partnerships fit into

 

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Canada's long-term advantage?

 

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Happy to say that joining us here today is Dick Fadden.

 

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He is former National Security Advisor to the Prime Minister, former Director

 

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of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service.

 

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And currently sits as a senior advisor at Capitol Hill Group.

 

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A warm welcome to you, Dick. Thank you so much for joining us.

 

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Pleasure to be back with you.

 

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We're delighted to have a chance to speak with you again.

 

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And I'll just inform everyone joining us and you here today

 

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that we are recording this on the 24th of August.

 

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And we note that other things may happen in between this conversation.

 

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Anyway, we'll just jump right in here.

 

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As it led up to the Friday night deadline, as we all know,

 

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there was not a lot of messaging.

 

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There was sort of panic because we didn't know a whole lot about it.

 

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I'm wondering in your former roles with CSIS and

 

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how you've looked at security, was there an element of

 

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miss and dis information that was interesting to you in the

 

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lead up to that?

 

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Well i don't know to what extent it was consciously missing this but clearly

 

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uh... The two parties were pushing their advantage to the

 

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greatest extent possible and i think possibly they got a bit ahead

 

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of themselves equally it would appear that the u.s.

 

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Commerce secretary arrived you know sort of late and complicated the

 

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management of the file but i think we have to remember we weren't got engaged

 

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in tough and in tough negotiations, people push their own advantage.

 

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So, missing this in practise, but I don't think it was ill-intended.

 

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Yes. Interesting. Yes. As you say, you're trying to push to

 

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play your own book a little bit and make sure that you're getting ultimately

 

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what you need.

 

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When you listen to the discussion of asked too

 

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much, what were the Americans asking for that was too much do you

 

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think on the Trump negotiating team?

 

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I mean, I think we all kind of know, but what tipped the balance there?

 

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I think a couple of things.

 

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One was a request that we do away with some of the

 

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requirements we have in respect to the use of the French language.

 

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We've always considered that to be off the table in terms of trade

 

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negotiations. I think we consider that a political, a strategic issue,

 

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a sovereignty issue. And I suspect if it was the first time it was raised, it

 

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would have been a considerable surprise.

 

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I also understand that there have been some further complications respecting

 

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aluminium and steel.

 

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But I think the real issue though, aside from the French language one, was you

 

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do not at the last minute, when ostensibly you've almost reached

 

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an agreement, pop somebody else into the negotiations and

 

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add a whole raft of requirements.

 

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You can do it, very tough, but it's not conducive to finding a

 

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way forward.

 

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Yeah, it's very interesting. I mean, you have to think they they did think that

 

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through a little bit. We're now looking at certain deadlines being

 

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into 2027, which means past the midterms, which

 

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is in a very long time to craft a new deal.

 

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If if that was something that came up, it sounds like that

 

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they're not going to rush back for meetings immediately.

 

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When you see announcements continue building for now getting tariff

 

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relief. For various industries, companies that are going to need it over the

 

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course of sort of this discussion of the meanwhile.

 

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How are you looking at the meanwhile?

 

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What do we do in the middle of this?

 

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Well, I think the first thing we're going to have to build on, I think, the

 

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preparations that have already been made, but taken into account the latest

 

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United States decision to add the 50% tariff on a whole range of

 

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things. We're going have to, I think, take things industry by industry,

 

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sector by sector, day by day.

 

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I don't think the situation today is one where the government can sort of wave

 

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a magic wand and say, we're gonna provide this kind of tariff relief to

 

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everybody because the tariffs will affect various industries, various sizes.

 

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Quite a bit differently. And I think to be practical, we have to take into

 

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account the fact that the provinces have a role to play here too.

 

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There is a limit to the Federal Treasury, you know, at some point it all comes

 

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out of our pockets.

 

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So the provinces I think have a, have a roll to play in terms of promoting

 

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tariff relief. But I think to a considerable degree, it's going to be on an

 

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individual basis day by day At the same time still

 

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saying to ourselves it is in the mutual benefit

 

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of both Canada and the United States to resume negotiations at some point.

 

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To your point, perhaps waiting after the midterms might be the way to go.

 

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That's very interesting. You brought the provinces in there and the discussion

 

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of what needs to go on there. I mean, the premiers were kind of front

 

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and centre through that. There was a lot of, well, we'll have to see what the

 

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premiers agree to that and if they don't and if they do.

 

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And then we had the booze going back on the shelf sort of again at the last

 

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minute.

 

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What did that show? A Team Canada approach?

 

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Was there anything else in there sort of strategically?

 

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No, I think that was the main issue.

 

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I mean, you're dealing with two partners who are in a considerable imbalance

 

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of power. You know, the elephant is the United States.

 

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So it behoves us to organise ourselves at all levels of government,

 

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all levels in society, as well as we can to some degree

 

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to counter that imbalance.

 

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And I think the unity that the provinces showed in large sections of the

 

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private sector contributed to that view.

 

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Having said that, I still think the United States in the end underestimated us.

 

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I think Mr. Trump in particular believes in bargaining from a position of great

 

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strength that will cause his opponents to cave in, and I suspect they

 

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were somewhat surprised when it didn't work.

 

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I think that kind of unity that you were talking about helped.

 

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When you look, and again, we're speaking on the 24th of August, so

 

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things could change, but when you look across sort of global headlines of how

 

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this trade collapse, discussions collapse has been discussed

 

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in, you know, the Financial Times, global news outlets,

 

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it's very much, it's slightly pro-Canada.

 

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You know, it is too bad that the alliance between Canada and the U.S.

 

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Couldn't be upheld and worked through by the United States administration.

 

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That seems to be the tone.

 

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Does that wear out?

 

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You know, I don't think it will, partially because if you look at

 

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the trade arrangements that the United States have made across the board with

 

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the EU, the UK, with other countries, you know, they've

 

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made commitments and they've reneged on them.

 

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And I think this is mostly, from the perspective of the

 

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rest of the planet, a especially strong example of

 

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the difficulty of dealing with the United states.

 

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I think it's going to complicate the United States dealing with the rest of the

 

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world. Because they're going to say to themselves, if two countries as close as

 

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Canada and the United States historically can't come to an agreement, what real

 

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hope do we have? I mean, you can exaggerate this reaction, but I

 

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do think people are going to be saying to themselves oh, for the love of God,

 

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if those two can't get together, you know, we're living in a very troubled

 

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world. Right

 

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So then on the other side of things, there's sort of the thoughts, the emotion,

 

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how ultimately everyone looks after this for a period of time,

 

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and maybe it feels like it's not us, you know?

 

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If you really can't get along with Canada, then maybe, you now, other countries

 

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weigh in on their connections and so on.

 

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With that said, we share the border, we know this, we're right next door.

 

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Big discussion. On defence?

 

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Should we be reading much into where we go in terms of defence and working with

 

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the United States on defence, joint defence, and

 

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trade all at once? Do we wrap them all into this conversation that everything's

 

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collapsed?

 

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I don't think so. One of the characteristics of the current U.S.

 

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Administration is that they deal with the world through transactions.

 

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They don't seem to have a holistic, sort of comprehensive, well-thought-out

 

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view of how they're going to advance their own policies.

 

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So I would argue that in particular, because we share common adversaries,

 

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we share a common continent, we have to separate the two.

 

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You know, whether we like the United States today or next week or not, if there

 

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are North Korean or Chinese missiles...

 

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Susceptible of reaching north america we need to deal with this together

 

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much like the you know for example the over the horizon uh...

 

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Radar that we're building with the americans of north so i would separate the

 

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two and i guess i would also add the thought that if we really did cut back

 

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on defence because we are annoyed with the american's i think it would make

 

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it even harder to resume negotiations because in an entirely different

 

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part of the u.s. Administrations that's concerned with national security we

 

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would then have annoyed them.

 

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Greatly. So I think you separate the two, but you keep pushing on

 

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both.

 

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So The piece of defence in today's world is

 

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different than it was in past times because it's

 

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just so linked to digital sovereignty, what you're trying to create in terms of

 

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digital sovereignty so you can't be shut off by any other country

 

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or entity ultimately. Canada talks a lot about this within the AI development

 

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that's going on here. It is linked to defence.

 

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I mean, we're looking at literally everything, drones being moved by

 

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AI in Ukraine. And we know the story.

 

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How do we separate those, or do we?

 

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I mean, help us with that.

 

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Well, I think, to call a spade a shovel, to use a very

 

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old expression, we have to be realistic.

 

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We are not going to be able to develop full digital sovereignty.

 

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We just can't do it. The United States has the greatest lead

 

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possible in the world today.

 

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Could we do it over a 30-year period working with allies?

 

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We probably could. I think what we have do in practical terms is

 

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to try and maintain as much independence, build up our capacity, ideally with

 

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allies, and do what we can.

 

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In the end, though, I do not think it would be in the interest of the United

 

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States to start cutting off other countries digitally.

 

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I mean, the Europeans are quite worried about this, as you know.

 

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The Germans in particular are trying to develop a parallel system.

 

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They're not doing this lightly.

 

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It's because they're really concerned, and I think they

 

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want to provide themselves with a measure of protection.

 

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But in direct answer to your question, I think we have to accept that we need

 

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to do everything possible to improve our sovereignty in this area.

 

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But I don't think we can do it perfectly.

 

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There's just too much involved. There's too great a lead.

 

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It's interesting and helpful to hear you say that it's very difficult when

 

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we keep getting called the 51st state to suddenly let

 

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those two things be separate because they feel so interconnected.

 

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But as you say, the European Union has to work together for their own mutual

 

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defence as well, and sometimes they're grumpy with each other also.

 

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True enough.

 

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Take us a little bit into the tariffs and the countermeasures that

 

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are now going to be hitting businesses even harder

 

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here. Those that have had to deal with the fact that their goods are either

 

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not being bought on the other side of the border, or there's great difficulty

 

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with that, are now gonna have it coming the other way.

 

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What sort of patience do you think there is in terms of goodwill in Canada?

 

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I think that's a very good question, and I don't think we're going to know

 

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until we see things evolve.

 

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I think right now, if you look at various polling, there's a great deal of

 

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support for what the government has done.

 

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There's a big deal of support for pushing back on the United States.

 

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But I do think we have to be cognizant of the possibility

 

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that in dealing with this administration, the more we push back, the most we're

 

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to annoy them. So we're going to have to have I think as comprehensive

 

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and thoughtful a way forward as we possibly can.

 

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We are going to have to face these tariffs in the short term.

 

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I think as I was arguing a few minutes ago, we need to treat

 

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each particular tariff against each particular industry individually

 

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and do what we can. They are not going to go away in the

 

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objectives of the federal government, which is to diversify as much as we

 

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possibly can.

 

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But you know, to state the obvious, the government can create an environment

 

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that is conducive to diversification.

 

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If the private sector doesn't really push, take risks and

 

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move forward on diversification, it's not going to work.

 

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So the public and the private sector here really have to work together.

 

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When you take this into the discussion of a big

 

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conference coming up looking for investors, this is in September, the Prime

 

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Minister's Summit, ultimately, Investor Summit,

 

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there are a number of other summits kind of going on at the same time to

 

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drum up Business for Canada for some of the major projects that we've been

 

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hearing announced over the course of the last year and some other things that

 

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are ultimately to be started on as long-term investments if

 

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the types of pledges that the Prime Minister and everyone running this

 

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country and businesses get remotely what they want,

 

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what sort of leverage does that give Canada to go back at it on the trade

 

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front? If you're more bolstered with money from around the world investing in

 

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Canada, Shirley, it's a type of armour.

 

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I think you're absolutely right.

 

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But I think one of the things we have to recognise that these kinds of

 

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investments don't give us a return the next week or the next month.

 

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You know, the oil and gas industry, the AI industry,

 

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a lot of money is required.

 

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I personally think we're pretty well placed to attract a third bit of

 

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investment. But even if you sign the check before things actually

 

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start materialising, it takes a little of time.

 

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I think... If the U.S. Administration starts seeing this and sees the

 

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medium term, then it's going to give us some additional leverage, because

 

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basically they're going to have to acknowledge that their leverage against us

 

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is being reduced.

 

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So I think it's important, but we have to go indirectly

 

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to the question you asked a moment ago.

 

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The people of Canada and the private sector are going to be patient.

 

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There is going to be I think some pain here I don't mean to suggest

 

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for 25 years, but it's not all going to go away in 25 days either.

 

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But with the private and the public sectors writ large, working together

 

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with those investments, I think it will make a difference.

 

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Do you think that within the discussions of how tariff

 

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and the regime and the places of origin for all kinds of parts,

 

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ultimately the discussion of China and how Canada trades with China,

 

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is there something there that's going to have to be given?

 

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Will there be more support for allies in certain parts of the world and less

 

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for others? Do you see that being something that's opened up and

 

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ultimately given one way or the other?

 

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I mean Canada's always had China as a trading partner, a big one.

 

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Well, if the rumours are correct, that's one of the issues that prompted Canada

 

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to walk away from the negotiations, which was the suggestion that the United

 

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States would have some say on

 

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which countries and how we traded with other countries.

 

16:11.704 --> 16:17.109

That's an unacceptable sort of arrangement unless you're at war.

 

16:17.109 --> 16:19.144

So will it make a difference in the medium term?

 

16:19.144 --> 16:23.282

I think it will. We cannot diversify our trade by simply

 

16:23.282 --> 16:26.085

saying we're willing to trade with every country on the planet.

 

16:26.085 --> 16:29.154

We're going to have to be selective. We have to think about it.

 

16:29.154 --> 16:33.525

I mean, there are some sectors where financial services have more potential and

 

16:33.525 --> 16:37.096

in others, it's oil and gas. In the third sector, it is something else.

 

16:37.096 --> 16:41.033

So, I think, going back to my earlier point, the government has

 

16:41.033 --> 16:44.269

a role to play here. They really do in setting up the framework to have this

 

16:44.269 --> 16:48.674

happen. But the private sector, broken down sectorially,

 

16:48.674 --> 16:52.644

has to decide, you know, Indonesia, for example, just to

 

16:52.644 --> 16:57.049

pick an example, huge country, growing middle class,

 

16:57.049 --> 17:01.086

what can we do there? Japan, a somewhat neglected ally

 

17:01.086 --> 17:03.789

of Canada for a long time, what do we do their?

 

17:03.789 --> 17:07.893

While still keeping in mind While China may

 

17:07.893 --> 17:09.828

be an adversary, we're not at war with them.

 

17:09.828 --> 17:13.432

We can still trade with them, while recognising that on some issues we're going

 

17:13.432 --> 17:17.369

to have to fundamentally disagree and push back.

 

17:17.369 --> 17:20.506

Well, Indonesia is the Straits of Malacca, which is a place that you'd want to

 

17:20.506 --> 17:24.143

shore up one way or the other, so investment should help with that.

 

17:24.143 --> 17:28.414

I think so. I mean, good relations overall with a particular country

 

17:28.414 --> 17:32.518

or grouping of country, I think, reinforce the likelihood that our

 

17:32.518 --> 17:37.322

relations will be protected and that they will take a view of the world,

 

17:37.322 --> 17:41.760

that the Straits of Malacca, for example, are international trade passage

 

17:41.760 --> 17:43.762

ways and they should be kept open.

 

17:43.762 --> 17:47.566

The more relations we have with countries like that, I thin the better it is

 

17:47.566 --> 17:49.201

for everybody.

 

17:49.201 --> 17:52.805

The Prime Minister has framed almost from day one in looking at international

 

17:52.805 --> 17:56.942

business investment that you can sort of trade with countries

 

17:56.942 --> 18:01.346

and not necessarily have a view on how they run their countries and that's

 

18:01.346 --> 18:05.017

a departure from other types of trade relationships that we've had over the

 

18:05.017 --> 18:07.519

course of the last half century or so.

 

18:07.519 --> 18:11.523

With that said, from your role at CSIS, Canadian security

 

18:11.523 --> 18:15.861

side of things, This is a new era of investment from investors around

 

18:15.861 --> 18:19.064

the world, from different countries that we do or don't agree with on all types

 

18:19.064 --> 18:23.235

of different policies. That's going to be slightly put aside.

 

18:23.235 --> 18:26.705

But how do you put that aside from a security side of things?

 

18:26.705 --> 18:31.510

There must be a sort of fascinating new webbing for security,

 

18:31.510 --> 18:35.514

for investment in this country to make sure it's the right kind of investment

 

18:35.514 --> 18:38.317

coming from the right kind of entity.

 

18:38.317 --> 18:42.254

I think at one level, if you'll forgive me for using a medical

 

18:42.254 --> 18:45.090

analogy, I think we have to be schizophrenic.

 

18:45.090 --> 18:49.094

We have to be able to separate trade and economics, tourism and

 

18:49.094 --> 18:51.830

things of that nature, and national security.

 

18:51.830 --> 18:54.366

It is exactly what the Chinese do.

 

18:54.366 --> 18:58.003

If you look at what they say publicly and they write about, they are in favour

 

18:58.003 --> 19:02.574

of the UN Charter, they're in favour humanitarian

 

19:02.574 --> 19:04.843

aid, peace and whatnot.

 

19:04.843 --> 19:08.714

Yet their intelligence and national security policy.

 

19:08.714 --> 19:12.918

Is dedicated to moving their files as much as they can, taking into

 

19:12.918 --> 19:15.320

account very little international law.

 

19:15.320 --> 19:19.491

I think we have to acknowledge that our adversaries are like that,

 

19:19.491 --> 19:21.260

and I don't think we like doing this.

 

19:21.260 --> 19:25.264

You know, we sort of think of China, or many people think of Chinese as a

 

19:25.264 --> 19:27.332

big market, you know.

 

19:27.332 --> 19:31.170

Yes, we have a few problems, but in fact there are some components of Chinese

 

19:31.170 --> 19:35.174

policy, and I'm just picking one country as you have that are really,

 

19:35.174 --> 19:40.045

really objectionable. I think we have to acknowledge that to begin with.

 

19:40.045 --> 19:43.081

And then in each case, you do what you would do in any business deal.

 

19:43.081 --> 19:46.351

You do more due diligence than you might have in the past.

 

19:46.351 --> 19:48.687

That's all doable. It takes time.

 

19:48.687 --> 19:52.658

It's a little bit expensive, but in the end, better to find out before than

 

19:52.658 --> 19:55.327

after you sign a deal.

 

19:55.327 --> 19:59.298

Absolutely, absolutely, 100%. It's sort of, you know, do you take the money?

 

19:59.298 --> 20:02.000

And do you have to do the due diligence to figure out whether that's going to

 

20:02.000 --> 20:06.004

work? It's also a discussion of just different branches of the government,

 

20:06.004 --> 20:09.241

some of them are crown corporations, some of the aren't, to sort of figure out

 

20:09.241 --> 20:11.677

who international investors will be doing business with.

 

20:11.677 --> 20:15.547

Let's say they come to Canada, and they're talking a bit about having the book

 

20:15.547 --> 20:18.517

of things to invest in, I was reading about.

 

20:18.517 --> 20:22.654

On the weekend. And yeah, you know, there's this mine,

 

20:22.654 --> 20:25.791

there is this area that you can invest in over here.

 

20:25.791 --> 20:28.894

But who are you dealing with? Are you dealing with an arm of the federal

 

20:28.894 --> 20:30.796

government, the provincial?

 

20:30.796 --> 20:34.566

Take us to that a little bit, because some of that is trying to be smoothed

 

20:34.566 --> 20:38.737

over and so there are not so many pieces of it, who international investors

 

20:38.737 --> 20:40.973

are dealing with.

 

20:40.973 --> 20:44.910

Well, I think in the final analysis, if it's something coming in from

 

20:44.910 --> 20:48.714

across our borders, the federal government has the final say.

 

20:48.714 --> 20:53.051

If they don't want Chinese or Russian

 

20:53.051 --> 20:57.089

or any investment, they have the capacity under the national security

 

20:57.089 --> 21:01.193

provisions of the Investment Canada Statutes to say no or

 

21:01.193 --> 21:03.395

to say yes with conditions.

 

21:03.395 --> 21:07.332

At the same time, if they're trying to make investments in

 

21:07.332 --> 21:10.936

a matter under provincial jurisdiction, mines for example.

 

21:10.936 --> 21:13.905

The provinces can also impose conditions.

 

21:13.905 --> 21:18.977

So one of the issues we have here is there really is a two-layered

 

21:18.977 --> 21:20.679

approval process.

 

21:20.679 --> 21:24.950

But usually, if you can get through the federal national security,

 

21:24.950 --> 21:26.351

you know.

 

21:26.351 --> 21:27.786

Layer.

 

21:27.786 --> 21:31.790

Layer thank you but then you're you're not doing badly

 

21:31.790 --> 21:35.727

if it makes any sense at all the investor would have initially had

 

21:35.727 --> 21:39.831

a conversation with the province and with the public the private sector and

 

21:39.831 --> 21:42.968

it's only when it comes to very near the end or near the and that the federal

 

21:42.968 --> 21:47.172

government has to so to say there's a national security issue

 

21:47.172 --> 21:51.476

uh... It's a very very broad power and i think uh...

 

21:51.476 --> 21:55.647

It's being used increasingly but i think one of them

 

21:55.647 --> 21:59.751

lobby the government on this we don't do it very transparently

 

21:59.751 --> 22:03.555

if the the prerogative given to the federal government here's almost unlimited

 

22:03.555 --> 22:07.559

you know they say national security and they wave a magic wand it would

 

22:07.559 --> 22:11.630

probably help the private sector if some of the criteria that are applied

 

22:11.630 --> 22:14.166

by the federal governments were made public.

 

22:14.166 --> 22:16.234

Most other countries do that.

 

22:16.234 --> 22:20.172

So, I mean, and I'm sure that sounds absolutely reasonable in

 

22:20.172 --> 22:22.974

the way you do it, but there are going to be investors from different parts of

 

22:22.974 --> 22:27.079

the globe that will come with money and they don't want to do that in the

 

22:27.079 --> 22:29.715

same way that Canadians would expect it.

 

22:29.715 --> 22:32.684

I mean there's literally a different way of doing business overseas, which is

 

22:32.684 --> 22:34.419

neither bad nor good.

 

22:34.419 --> 22:36.855

It is different though.

 

22:36.855 --> 22:38.957

Yeah, no, I think that's true.

 

22:38.957 --> 22:42.794

And I think it's another issue from our perspective of being realistic about

 

22:42.794 --> 22:46.865

these things. We have our ways of doing things, and that's the end of the

 

22:46.865 --> 22:49.735

argument. We do those things this way.

 

22:49.735 --> 22:53.672

But it also behoves us, for example, to know that what

 

22:53.672 --> 22:57.776

is going on. For example, some years ago, before we had the same

 

22:57.776 --> 23:01.947

level of concern, whatever adversaries was making

 

23:01.947 --> 23:05.951

small investments in mines in the extreme

 

23:05.951 --> 23:07.919

North of Canada.

 

23:07.919 --> 23:10.589

And we weren't linking them together until quite a bit later.

 

23:10.589 --> 23:13.792

We have to be aware that if people are doing things beneath the legal

 

23:13.792 --> 23:16.595

threshold, that doesn't mean they are no concern.

 

23:16.595 --> 23:20.098

So it means that we have to have a fair bit of due diligence ourselves in terms

 

23:20.098 --> 23:24.603

of what investments are taking place both above the threshold of review,

 

23:24.603 --> 23:27.973

but also below it so that we know what's happening.

 

23:27.973 --> 23:31.643

What do you think, broadly, because we're on this topic, of governments taking

 

23:31.643 --> 23:33.445

stakes in companies?

 

23:33.445 --> 23:37.649

I mean, Canada's doing this as well for some of our own national champions,

 

23:37.649 --> 23:39.351

for instance. The U.S.

 

23:39.351 --> 23:42.554

Is doing that into Canadian companies as well.

 

23:42.554 --> 23:47.025

Some of it is front page information because it seems

 

23:47.025 --> 23:48.827

wild and shocking.

 

23:48.827 --> 23:52.397

But do you expect that? I'm just sort of curious your thoughts on the pros and

 

23:52.397 --> 23:55.000

cons of that.

 

23:55.000 --> 23:58.236

Well, I would develop two lists.

 

23:58.236 --> 24:02.274

There's a list of companies and sectors of the economy where I would

 

24:02.274 --> 24:07.112

say no foreign investment or very, very limited foreign investment.

 

24:07.112 --> 24:10.949

And another part where you'd say somebody wants to invest, they can invest all

 

24:10.949 --> 24:14.853

they want, but they're subject to Canadian law like everybody else.

 

24:14.853 --> 24:18.890

You know, for example, I'm not sure I would, if I were the king of the castle,

 

24:18.890 --> 24:21.226

which I will never be, I would say.

 

24:21.226 --> 24:25.697

I'm not sure we'd like a great deal of investments in the IT area

 

24:25.697 --> 24:29.901

or in the financial sector by foreign governments.

 

24:29.901 --> 24:34.306

On the other hand, if people want to invest in the lumber industry, you know,

 

24:34.306 --> 24:36.274

you want to know what's going on and you let it go.

 

24:36.274 --> 24:39.311

So I think you would have to distinguish the sectors of the economy that you're

 

24:39.311 --> 24:40.345

talking about.

 

24:40.345 --> 24:43.682

Right, and the ones that just literally have national security sort of

 

24:43.682 --> 24:44.049

ramifications. That's right.

 

24:44.049 --> 24:44.883

That's right, that's right.

 

24:44.883 --> 24:47.919

Around how that works.

 

24:47.919 --> 24:52.591

So what would you say in terms of just other stories analogous

 

24:52.591 --> 24:56.661

to countries around the world who have been setting up new types

 

24:56.661 --> 25:00.932

of trade? How much are we going to be trading with different allies?

 

25:00.932 --> 25:05.837

The diversification effort, which I hear you is not going to happen tomorrow.

 

25:05.837 --> 25:09.875

But can you sort of give us a thought on what you think it might look

 

25:09.875 --> 25:13.745

like 10 years from now? And again, you're gonna be a bit off one way or the

 

25:13.745 --> 25:18.283

other, but is it going to be pretty diversified away from the U.S.?

 

25:18.283 --> 25:21.386

I think, actually, we've passed a threshold.

 

25:21.386 --> 25:24.489

I mean, I'm quoting the Prime Minister to some degree, but I do think we've

 

25:24.489 --> 25:27.726

past the barrier that we're not going to go back again.

 

25:27.726 --> 25:30.896

Will we ever be able to ignore the United States as a trading partner?

 

25:30.896 --> 25:33.231

I don't think that's practical. I really don't.

 

25:33.231 --> 25:37.369

But I do that Canadians generally have accepted that we cannot go

 

25:37.369 --> 25:41.406

back to over-dependence on the United states.

 

25:41.406 --> 25:45.544

In particular, if the United State continues to act the way it has been over

 

25:45.544 --> 25:48.046

the last couple of years in respect of trade.

 

25:48.046 --> 25:51.750

Not just with us, but with the rest of the world, I think that diversification

 

25:51.750 --> 25:55.787

will be encouraged. But I would say that in 10 years, we

 

25:55.787 --> 25:59.157

will have gone some distance to diversify.

 

25:59.157 --> 26:03.261

But I come back to what I said earlier, it will only work if both all levels of

 

26:03.261 --> 26:07.265

government and the private sector work together and acknowledge that in some

 

26:07.265 --> 26:10.602

areas, working with our allies will make things happen much, much more

 

26:10.602 --> 26:12.203

effectively and faster.

 

26:12.203 --> 26:15.974

What do you think our energy picture, if you had to draw a picture, will look

 

26:15.974 --> 26:20.145

like? There's discussion right now of Keystone XL being revived, certainly by

 

26:20.145 --> 26:22.814

the president, it's being discussed. We have the announcement of Churchill

 

26:22.814 --> 26:25.383

Falls, which is much more of a grid.

 

26:25.383 --> 26:30.455

We know the nuclear discussions going on in Ontario.

 

26:30.455 --> 26:33.625

What do, if you have to sort of paint a broad picture of what energy might look

 

26:33.625 --> 26:37.262

like, maybe 10, I don't know, maybe longer, maybe 20 years from now, is it

 

26:37.262 --> 26:42.233

going to be markedly away from fossil fuels, do you thing?

 

26:42.233 --> 26:44.135

I think we're going to end up in that direction.

 

26:44.135 --> 26:47.172

I mean, whether we like it or not, I think the planet is going to have to cope

 

26:47.172 --> 26:48.907

with that.

 

26:48.907 --> 26:53.011

I think, you know, Churchill Falls is going, is going generate a great

 

26:53.011 --> 26:57.582

deal of hydroelectricity we can use in Canada

 

26:57.582 --> 26:59.384

as opposed to using fossil fuels.

 

26:59.384 --> 27:02.053

We can also sell some to the United States.

 

27:02.053 --> 27:05.590

But I think that we're talking about a timeframe that's difficult.

 

27:05.590 --> 27:08.727

I think one of the greatest contributions that we can make to the national

 

27:08.727 --> 27:13.198

security of europe and parts of asia is to provide them with energy

 

27:13.198 --> 27:17.168

i mean to be able to say the germany i'm just picking germany but

 

27:17.168 --> 27:21.439

you do not ever have to rely on russian oil and gas significantly

 

27:21.439 --> 27:25.644

improves their national security same thing with japan if we can guarantee

 

27:25.644 --> 27:30.148

them an energy supply it significantly improves

 

27:30.148 --> 27:34.119

the capability to function in an environment where they're not constantly

 

27:34.119 --> 27:37.989

worried about what china might or what somebody else might do.

 

27:37.989 --> 27:42.360

So I think we're going to be doing more, but I think in practical terms,

 

27:42.360 --> 27:44.262

we have to worry about climate change.

 

27:44.262 --> 27:48.700

I mean, whether you are a climate change denier

 

27:48.700 --> 27:52.937

or not, the climate is changing and we have find a way of dealing with

 

27:52.937 --> 27:57.275

it. And that will involve the whole raft of things, both here and

 

27:57.275 --> 28:01.279

internationally. And I think it will mean the slow reduction in the

 

28:01.279 --> 28:05.483

use of fossil fuels. I means, for example, will you and I buy

 

28:05.483 --> 28:07.852

an EV, the next car that we buy.

 

28:07.852 --> 28:13.758

Multiplied by 100,000 in Canada, I think the trend is in that direction.

 

28:13.758 --> 28:17.762

If you had to give a percentile as a risk that

 

28:17.762 --> 28:22.133

separatist discussions and maybe ultimately

 

28:22.133 --> 28:26.237

referendums pose to this country's unity,

 

28:26.237 --> 28:30.608

where would you put that percentile?

 

28:30.608 --> 28:34.846

I don't think, I think it's beneath 50%.

 

28:34.846 --> 28:39.217

I think that if people sit down and seriously

 

28:39.217 --> 28:43.054

think through at the time of a referendum, I'm not about a referendum on a

 

28:43.054 --> 28:43.288

referendum.

 

28:43.288 --> 28:44.422

Exactly, yeah.

 

28:44.422 --> 28:48.193

Political debate, what it will mean in practical terms.

 

28:48.193 --> 28:51.963

I mean, I think we have one of the better countries on the planet right now,

 

28:51.963 --> 28:55.600

but our influence is limited. If Alberta separates, if they think their

 

28:55.600 --> 28:59.604

influence on a whole raft of policy affecting them is going to increase, I thin

 

28:59.604 --> 29:04.843

they're mistaken. They will be a landlocked country in

 

29:04.843 --> 29:09.247

North America with a population, you know, 20%

 

29:09.247 --> 29:13.284

of what Canada is. I cannot see how this improves their situation.

 

29:13.284 --> 29:17.288

Same thing with Quebec. So I think in the end, when people take deep

 

29:17.288 --> 29:20.024

breaths, it's well beneath the 50%.

 

29:20.024 --> 29:22.060

At least I hope so.

 

29:22.060 --> 29:26.397

Yeah, me too. What would be a final thought for Canadians who are

 

29:26.397 --> 29:30.535

kind of digesting the discussion that trade talks have collapsed

 

29:30.535 --> 29:34.906

for now? There's still an overhang, and we're about to embark on retaliation.

 

29:34.906 --> 29:37.942

What ultimately would be your last thought?

 

29:37.942 --> 29:41.246

I think the last thought should be that this is not of our doing.

 

29:41.246 --> 29:44.682

I think we've handled it pretty well as well as we might have.

 

29:44.682 --> 29:48.019

We need to be patient and we need to hang together.

 

29:48.019 --> 29:52.290

And to your earlier point diversify, diversify diversify but mostly

 

29:52.290 --> 29:53.925

patience.

 

29:53.925 --> 29:55.727

Dick Fadden, it's a delight to speak with you.

 

29:55.727 --> 30:00.231

We are so grateful that you join us often enough and we hope to see you soon.

 

30:00.231 --> 30:01.966

Have a great rest of your day.

 

30:01.966 --> 30:04.969

Thank you, it's a pleasure being with you.

 

30:04.969 --> 30:07.038

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31:11.436 --> 31:12.937

Fees, expenses, and commissions are

 

31:12.937 --> 31:14.305

all associated with fund

 

31:14.305 --> 31:15.473

investments.

 

31:15.473 --> 31:17.008

Thanks again. We'll see you next

 

31:17.008 --> 31:17.976

time.

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